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BEFORE BROWN
A SNIPER IN THE TOWER
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1997 TX Book Fest
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Excerpt
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Tower Heroes
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NY Times Column
BAD BOY FROM ROSEBUD
WORSE THAN DEATH
Cajuns
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September 25, 1999
JOURNAL /
By FRANK RICH
The Long
Shadow of the Texas Sniper
Copyright 1999 by the
New
York Times
Another
killing, another show. When Larry Ashbrook opened fire in a Fort Worth
church last week, this much was certain: the tragedy would trigger a new
flood of sound and fury signifying very little. The mass murders of the past
year have proved a fatal attraction for cable news networks seeking ratings
and politicians seeking votes, and the Fort Worth installment might still be
going on had not the potentially more lethal Hurricane Floyd drowned it out.
Before the
latest massacre did fade from view, plenty of nonsense typical of all these
incidents was committed in its name. In the ritualized rhetorical shootout
over gun control, Al Gore said he was for it; the Bush campaign countered
that "not one thing Al Gore proposed would have kept the Fort Worth
tragedy from happening." Whom do we root for? True, neither current
laws nor any of the modest Administration-backed gun control legislation
before Congress would have denied Mr. Ashbrook his arsenal. But George W.
Bush, who parrots the N.R.A. line of enforcing existing laws, offers even
less.
As if this
bipartisan posturing weren't enough, along comes Jerry Falwell to designate
the Fort Worth blood bath a hate crime, and to make the statement in Time,
now reverberating loudly in conservative media, that "most hate crimes
in America . . . are directed at evangelical Christians" rather than
"African-American or Jewish people or gays or lesbians." Neither
F.B.I. statistics nor the Southern Poverty Law Center, which monitors hate
crimes, offer an iota of evidence to support this assertion, whose only
point seems to be to pit groups against each other by turning victimization
into a contest of one-upmanship. It's not even 100 percent clear that hate
was the sole or principal motivation of Mr. Ashbrook, whom his neighbors
called "crazy Larry." He did scatologically deride Christianity as
he opened fire, but he came from a religious family and had been part of a
Church of Christ young ministers' group as a teen-ager; the Fort Worth
police have found no evidence linking him to hate groups. Like Russell
Weston Jr., the schizophrenic man who shot up the U.S. Capitol last year,
Mr. Ashbrook had expressed no ideology publicly beyond paranoid screeds
fantasizing that he was being shadowed by the C.I.A.
On the same
day as the horrors in Fort Worth, as nasty fate would have it, the
University of Texas in Austin was officially reopening its long-closed
30-story tower -- the site of the historical progenitor of Mr. Ashbrook's
mass murder, the gunning down of 45 people, 14 of them fatally, by the
sniper Charles Whitman in 1966. The university was hoping it could put the
memory of its saddest day behind it, and it's hard to imagine how the timing
could have been worse. Yet by coincidentally reminding us of the Whitman
story at this juncture in 1999, the university may have done us an
inadvertent favor. That archetypal slaughter of three decades ago offers a
hugely valuable perspective that has been lost as our leaders and loudmouths
distort or oversimplify the new crop of Whitmans.
Reading the
authoritative account of the Whitman case, "A Sniper in the Tower"
by Gary M. Lavergne -- which was published in 1997, before our recent mass
murders -- one feels it's as much prophecy as history. It may tell us more
about the Ashbrooks in our midst than any of the blather of last week.
Charles
Whitman, for those who don't remember, was an "all-American boy,"
the youngest Eagle Scout in the world as a child, a former Marine, a product
of Catholic parochial schools, a young man of "high values"
according to his professors. He was the antithesis of the stereotype of a
mass killer at the time. Unlike the brutal murderers in Truman Capote's
"In Cold Blood" (then a best seller) or Richard Speck, who had
killed eight Chicago nurses just three weeks before the Austin blood bath,
Whitman was not a tattooed, creepy drifter who looked like a thug. He
further broke the mold by committing his crime in a public place, in a
scenario that guaranteed his own death. "Arguably," Mr. Lavergne
writes, "he introduced America to domestic terrorism, but it was
terrorism without a cause."
Who was he,
why did he do it, how could future Whitmans be stopped? Then, as now,
Americans struggled frantically to find answers. Ralph Yarborough, the Texas
Senator, blamed television (in the season of "The Munsters" and
"Bewitched"). Others thought Whitman had been desensitized by the
cultural atmosphere generated by the Vietnam War (in which he hadn't
served); some called for the abolition of the Marines, since it had harbored
both Whitman and Lee Harvey Oswald. J. Edgar Hoover, of all unlikely
advocates, suggested more gun control as a preventative (though Whitman was
a legal, trained gun owner who could well have run a government-mandated
gun-training program). A university psychiatrist to whom Whitman had
mentioned his murderous fantasies in a single consultation was pilloried for
not locking him up (a legal non-starter, given that Whitman's family and
associates all viewed him as a sane, solid citizen). Maybe, Mr. Lavergne
writes after sifting all the evidence and concluding that no psychiatric
diagnosis is possible, Whitman "was just mean as hell."
When I spoke
to the author this week, he said he had no ambitions to predict this year's
massacres, but was nonetheless struck by the case of the day trader Mark O.
Barton of Atlanta, whose story he found almost identical to the Texas Tower
massacre "except for the Tower." (Among the similarities: Whitman,
like Barton, killed family members, including his wife, on the eve of his
spree and left behind notes saying he did so out of his love for them.) Mr.
Lavergne can't pinpoint the cause of Mr. Barton's explosion any more than he
can Whitman's. But he did add that it was as absurd to attribute the Atlanta
massacre to day trading or the Internet as it would be to attribute
Whitman's to the University of Texas. "Some of the pressure on Whitman
was that he was taking too many courses, but whose fault was that?" he
asked rhetorically, in making the parallel to Mr. Barton's financial
overreaching.
Much of our
speculation about other mass killers is similarly useless. Salon magazine's
Dave Cullen, who has been on top of the Columbine story from the start,
reported on Thursday that investigators finalizing the official report on
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold now say they "were never part of the
Trench Coat Mafia" and "didn't target jocks, minorities or
Christians." In the irrational ravings the boys left behind, they
railed "against minorities and whites, praising Hitler's 'final
solution' -- and then ranting against racism." Salon quotes the case's
lead investigator, Kate Battan: "I've been working on this nonstop
daily since April 20th and I can't tell you why it happened." Now we
know that most of the other expert answers we've had are not only pure
speculation of the same sort that trailed the Whitman case but are based on
erroneous information to boot.
Since we
don't know why some of these cases happen, how do we prevent them? "It
is part of being in a free and open society," says Mr. Lavergne,
"that people can, if they want to, do a fairly large amount of damage
in a fairly short time." He is echoed by Mark Potok, spokesman for the
Southern Poverty Law Center, who, while applauding law enforcement's
improved record on preventing extremist terrorist conspiracies since
Oklahoma City, says he doesn't know how you can stop some lone-wolf mass
killers, whatever their motivation, without a Draconian repeal of civil
liberties.
While many of
us may agree with the need for far more effective gun control and a far
stronger mental health safety net -- desirable reforms that could make a
difference in some cases -- we can't pretend that either could stop a mass
killer with a will, a death wish and easy access to any of the country's 200
million privately held guns. Politicians and other public figures who pop up
after these massacres to imply otherwise are either manipulating us or
exploiting these tragedies for their own purposes at a time when,
paradoxically, most violent crime is on the wane. Arguing against hate-crime
laws in tomorrow's New York Times Magazine, the writer Andrew Sullivan
observes that there's no way to eradicate hate in a free country. The same,
sadly, could be said of that indefinable element in a Whitman, a Barton, a
Harris and perhaps now an Ashbrook that, if only for lack of a more precise
term, we call evil.
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Than Death| Bad Boy From Rosebud |
Sniper in the Tower | Cajuns
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